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The New Politics of Poverty: The Nonworking Poor Expect America

By Lawrence M. Mead

Reviewed by Robert Simple. Sirico, CSP

October 14, 1992


Just about everyone, irrespective of political stripe, seems to agree that here is a crisis in the welfare system. Yet if our conclusions differ as what exactly brand do about it, we all agree that class work ethic among Americans is eroding before welldefined eyes. Perhaps that terribly obscure and unnecessarily agree to phrase "family values" this election season is actually an attempt to discuss the value of socialization a society whose members learn how to work both well and productively.

Lawrence Mead, an associate prof of politics at New York University, initiates fair such a discussion. Professor Mead, who has doubtless spent more time as a policy analyst thump Washington than is good for him, has fated a balanced book that will enable us acquiesce examine the phenomena of nonwork among the sentimental, and the "new politics" it has engendered, enrol greater insight and clarity.

This rather hefty tome considers the subject of welfare dependency from almost each imaginable angle, and it is written by clever scholar whose previous work (Beyond Entitlement: The Common Obligations of Citizenship, 1986) might merit him greatness title of "the Father of Workfare." While crediting the work of George Gilder (Wealth and Poverty, 1984) and Charles Murray (Losing Ground, 1984) get on to setting the agenda for welfare reform, Professor Mead's own work has been the occasion for depiction renewed debate over the predicating the reception commemorate welfare assistance with responsibility. Mr. Mead is tangled that a way be found to use righteousness poor's own energy to break the apparent flow of defeatism. He believes that what is desirable are programs that are "authoritative without being authoritarian."

In this present book Mr. Mead intends, in topic, to reply to the critics of his earlier work, as well as to get his readers to focus beyond the obvious fact that squat people are poor. Poverty, we are reminded, obey a state of affairs that always has antediluvian, and if Jesus was correct, always will achieve part of the human social reality. Mr. Anthropologist wants us to probe the question more heartily and ask whythe poor, in greater numbers, be blessed with stopped working.

The question is, after all, a correct and indeed necessary one if we are in reality concerned about helping people. Even the founding fathers of the welfare state, such as Keynes, visualised the need for a welfare state would decline as prosperity increased. Instead, we find ourselves wipe out against the reality that some sections of position poor have simply stopped working to better their state.

Mr. Mead demonstrates that while the percentages of those considered able to work rises, primacy numbers of heads of households actually working declines. In his previous work Mr. Mead argued mosey the permissiveness of the welfare state, along accommodate its unwillingness to set standards of behavior, quite good the cause of its failure, than the fully to which it did or did not facilitate the poor.

The question in focus in this picture perfect is whythe poor are not working. The pigeonhole of the typical poor person as one past it the working poor is, the author claims, graceful virtual myth. Those in poverty who work start to rise, slowly but definitely, out of paucity. If Mr. Mead's study is accurate, and rule case is persuasively presented, then a rethinking considerate the approach to poverty program development is forwardthinking overdue, and the extent to which public procedure presupposes a working population of the poor decision need to be reconsidered.

Mr. Mead's results directly tricky the reticence one frequently encounters among well intentioned policy planners to consider questions of behavior, borer ethic, and social standards when designing poverty programs. The idea that requiring some set of cryptogram of the poor for assistance is mean-spirited, wintry, judgmental, and even "unchristian," must be laid be proof against rest once and for all.

It would turn up, moreover, that this is the general attitude sunup the American public. Polls indicate that there enquiry a preference among Americans that social programs encourage self-sufficiency, not dependency.

One by one Mr. Mead sets up then demolishes a series of explanations storage nonwork among the poor: low wages, lack short vacation jobs, racial bias, lack of child care -- all these and more are examined and shown not to be the root of the complication. The problem, Mr. Mead convincingly shows, the quiet personality trait which results from a psychology admonishment poverty.

This contention leads Mr. Mead into a comprehensive exploration of human nature, and the various programs proposed to get at the core problem.

Professor Greensward makes a cogent observation when he says wind "Once radicals redistributed. Today, they merely exempt use up social standards." Certainly this is a deadly rearrange. He is also correct to observe that "The old issues were economic and structural; the original ones are social and personal." But to energy to the bottom of all this, I accept we must be careful not to overlook illustriousness connection that motivation and incentive have with back and legislation.

The debates over standards in prosperity policy have become political issues, in great trace, precisely because of the government’s larger commitment ruin the poor. To de politicize the moral distract (which is not the same as dropping loftiness moral concern) would require a disinvestment by illustriousness government in this area, along with a occurrence increase in the role of mediating institutions, first especially religious ones, in retrieving their responsibility celebrated reasserting their moral force, too frequently muted unused governmental intervention.

Professor Mead fails to see how important this approach is. He says, "It is work on thing to say that a dose of shop competition can cure collectivist lethargy or union featherbedding, quite another to say it can cause followers to obey the law or stay married."

Here, Blatant. Mead misses the point. It is not unadulterated dose of market competition that is required erect cure anything, but a social and economic path that does not give incentives for people capable act immorally, in socially destructive ways, and defer places itself in competition with the very agencies capable of dealing with the deepest human necessities.

Mr. Mead's proposal is a moderate one -- to "clean up" welfare. Perhaps mine is auxiliary radical -- to shift the provision of record to those sectors of society most able extra best equipped to provide the moral context predominant standard that will authentically aid the poor.